Política e cultura
Residents of the Korean peninsula, whether ethnic Korean or Japanese, did not have the right to vote or to hold office in Japan's House of Representatives . The election law was amended in 1945 to allot 18 seats of the House of Representatives for the Korean peninsula, which did not go into effect because of the end of the war later the same year. Koreans in Japan were eventually given the right to vote and to hold office. Pak Chun-Geum ( 박춘금 , 朴春琴 ) was the first ethnic Korean to be elected into the House of Representatives in 1932; he was re-elected in 1938 and continued to serve throughout World War II. Several members of the Korean royalty and aristocracy were appointed to the House of Peers , including Pak Yeong-Hyo ( 박영효 , 朴泳孝 ) in 1932. Thirty-eight Koreans were elected into local assemblies in 1942.
Assimilation of the royalty
Following the forced dissolution of the Korean Empire and the assassination of Empress Myeongseong at the hands of Japanese agents, Korean Palace Guard officers, Korean Army officers, Korean employee of Japanese, Korean Mandarinates (including Military Minister of Korea), the Korean royalty was incorporated into the Imperial Household of Japan . The Emperor of Japan , Viscount Terauchi Masatake , Resident-General, and His Majesty the Emperor of Korea Yi Wan-Yong , Prime Minister , who upon mutual conference and deliberation had agreed to the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty , made an effort to intermarry the royalty of the two houses in an attempt to validate the annexation of Korea. Yi Eun , then the Imperial Crown Prince of Korea, married Masako of Nashimotonomiya . Pro-Japanese Koreans (orChinilpa ) who supported or helped the annexation were also given peerage titles under the Japanese kazoku system. Lee Wan-Yong , the last prime minister of the Korean Empire, was given the title of hakushaku(Count) (which was later raised to koshaku , or Duke). In total, 76 Koreans were given peerage titles. After Korean independence, all titles were invalidated, and recipients formally charged with treason .
The Japanese colonization of Korea has been mentioned as a case in point of " cultural genocide " by a graduate student of the Comparative Genocide Studies group.
Focus was heavily and intentionally placed upon the psychological and cultural element in Japan's colonial policy, and the unification strategies adopted in the fields of culture and education were designed to eradicate the individual ethnicity of the Korean race.
Initially, the Japanese sponsored several Korean language newspapers to counter the strong anti-Japanese message of the chief Korean publication Hwangson Sinmun (1898–1910). These papers included The Chosun Ilbo (1904). The Korean language newspaper Maeil Sinbo ( 매일신보 ; 每日新報 ) continued publication until the Japanese surrender in 1945.
Japanese colonial authorities took many photographs of scenes of abject poverty in Korea, but did not take a single photograph of the main palace at Gyeongbokgung .
Other means of cultural suppression included altering public monuments, including several well-known temples, palaces, scripts, memorials, and statues. Songs and poems originally dedicated to Korean Emperors were re-written to adore the Japanese Emperor. Carved monuments underwent alterations to the Chinese characters to delete or change part of their meaning. Sungnyemun , a virtual symbol of Korea, was altered by the addition of large, Shinto-style golden horns near the roofs (later removed by the South Korean government after independence). The primary building of Gyeongbokgung was demolished and the Japanese General Government Building was built in its exact location. The Japanese colonial authorities destroyed 85 percent of all the buildings in Gyeongbokgung.
Many ancient Korean texts that were discovered mentioning Korean military and cultural exploits or Japan's behavior as the Wokou were deleted methodically; in general, the awareness of Korean history among Koreans declined during this period; the new generation grew up with little or no awareness of their own heritage. Japan altered the history to rationalize the occupation of Korea to the international community by depicting the Koreans as backward and in need of modernization. In order to justify their need to take over their neighbors, "the Japanese convinced themselves that, despite being of the same race," says Michael Breen, "the Koreans were actually hardly human." This was possible in part because Korea had sealed itself off from outside contact for centuries.
The Japanese Government conducted excavations of archeological sites and preserved artifacts found there. Since many of the Japanese ideas were not supported by archeology, Japan decided to demonstrate their theories by moving a stone monument (棕蟬縣神祠碑), which was originally located at Liaodong , into Pyongyang, and then distorted the location of Chinese commanderies such that they existed in Pyongyang. All these actions are viewed as an effort by Japan to destroy the ancient culture of Korea.
Resentment of the harsh treatment of Koreans eventually led to a revival of Korean nationalism , including in-depth research projects into Hangul (the Korean alphabet), which resulted in the standardization of the Korean writing system by scholars such as Lee Hui-Seung (이희승) and Choe Hyeon-bae (최현배) in the 1930s, as well as underground publications of books about historical Korean figures. Historians such asShin Chae-ho were active in trying to present a Koreanized version of ancient history using textual material.
Mudanças de nome
Attempts were made to better segregate individuals of Korean and Japanese ancestry. In 1911 a proclamation, "Matter Concerning the Changing of Korean Names" (朝鮮人ノ姓名改称ニ関スル件) was issued barring ethnic Koreans from taking Japanese names and to retroactively revert the names of Koreans that had already registered under Japanese names back to the original Korean ones. By 1939, the focus had shifted towards colonial assimilation , and Imperial Decree 19 on Korean Civil Affairs ( 조선민사령 ; " 勅令第19号「朝鮮民事改正令」 ") [ ent into effect, whereby ethnic Koreans were permitted to surrender their Korean family name and adopt Japanese surnames. Although officially voluntary, many argue official compulsion and harassment existed against individuals, especially Korean government employees, who refused to create a new Japanese-style name. [ 57 ] There is disagreement as to whether this was the result of individual practices by low-level officials, the policy of some regional government organizations, or the overall intention of the colonial government. Others argue that Koreans felt compelled to adopt Japanese family names in order to avoid discrimination by Japanese. A country study conducted by the Library of Congress states that "the Korean culture was quashed, and Koreans were required to speak Japanese and take Japanese names." This name change policy, called Changssi-gaemyeong ( 창씨개명 ;創氏改名 ), was part of Japan's assimilation efforts. The policy was extremely unpopular, with only some 9.6 percent of Koreans changing their last names to a Japanese one during the colonial occupation. A number of prominent ethnic Koreans working for the Japanese government, including General Hong Sa-ik , insisted on keeping their Korean names. Another ethnic Korean, Park Chun-Geum (박춘금, 朴春琴), was elected as a member of the Lower House from the Tokyo Third District in the general election in 1932 and served two terms without changing his Korean name, but has been registered aschinilpa by the current Republic of Korea government.
After the liberation of Korea from Japanese rule, the "Name Restoration Order" was issued on 23 October 1946 by the US Army Military Government in Korea south of the 38th parallel , enabling Koreans to restore their names if they wished. Many Zainichi Koreans chose to retain their Japanese names, either to avoid discrimination, or later, to meet the requirements for naturalization as Japanese citizens.
Education in Korea under Japanese rule
Após a anexação da Coréia, o governo japonês introduziu a educação universal [ carece de fontes? ] modelado após o sistema de ensino japonês , com uma hierarquia piramidal de, médio e alto escolas, culminando no Imperial Keijo Universidade de Seul . Como no próprio Japão, a educação foi encarada principalmente como um instrumento de "Formação do Cidadão Imperial" (황민화; 皇 民 化), com uma forte ênfase na doutrinação moral e política. O governo colonial japonês forneceu material educativo para a cultura coreana e da linguagem, em certa medida, como um livro de Hangul e gramática para misturar Hangul com caracteres chineses (na versão concebida por Kakugorō Inoue ). [Classes focada principalmente em ensino da história do império japonês , assim como a glorificação da Casa Imperial do Japão . A história da Coréia não fazia parte do currículo. Como no próprio Japão, os alunos foram feitas para adorar na escola santuário xintoísta , independentemente de suas crenças religiosas, retratos de curvar-se diante do imperador, e copie o Édito Imperial em Educação . Como a política administrativa japonesa deslocou mais fortemente no sentido de assimilação de 1930 (同化政策; Seisaku doka), todas as aulas eram dadas em japonês com o idioma coreano se tornar um eletivo. Durante a época colonial, escolas de ensino fundamental são conhecidos como "Citizen Schools" (국민학교;国民学校; gungmin hakgyo) como no Japão, como um meio de formação adequada "Imperial dos Cidadãos" (皇国民; Hwanggungmin) desde a infância. As escolas primárias na Coreia do Sul hoje são conhecidas pelo nome chodeung hakgyo (초등학교;初等学校) (literalmente "Ensino Fundamental") como o hakgyo gungmin termo tornou-se recentemente umpoliticamente incorreto prazo.
Embora o sistema de ensino japonês na Coréia foi prejudicial para a identidade cultural da colônia, que ajudou a lançar as bases do futuro crescimento económico através da melhoria da Coréia do capital humano. Em 1940, 38 por cento dos coreanos em idade escolar estavam na escola elementar. Crianças de famílias de elite foram capazes de avançar para o ensino superior, enquanto outros foram impedidos de freqüentar escolas técnicas, permitindo "a emergência de uma classe pequena mas importante do bem-educados trabalhadores de colarinho branco e técnicos ... que possuía habilidades necessárias para executar uma economia industrial moderna. " O sistema educacional japonês finalmente produziu centenas de milhares de educação sul-coreanos que mais tarde se tornou "o núcleo da elite política e econômica do pós-guerra."
Mudança de artefatos culturais
A regra japonesa da Coréia resultou na transferência de muitos artefatos culturais para o Japão. A questão sobre o lugar onde estes artigos devem estar localizados começou durante a ocupação dos EUA no Japão . Sabe-se que pelo menos 100.000 artefatos coreanos foram retiradas durante o governo japonês. Em 2002, a polêmica foi reacendida quando dois coreanos roubou dois estátuas de um templo japonês oeste.
The Chosun Ilbo (Korean Daily News) reports that valuable Korean artifacts can still be found in Japanese museums and private collections. According to an investigation by the South Korea government, there are 75,311 cultural artifacts that were taken from Korea. Japan has 34,369 and the United States has 17,803. Korea frequently demands the return of these artifacts, but the United States and Japan do not comply.
On August 10, 2010, Prime Minister of Japan Naoto Kan promised to return Korean artifacts which were seized during 1910-1945, while expressing "deep remorse".
Koreans in the Japanese military
Starting in 1938, Koreans both enlisted and were conscripted into the Japanese military and the first "Korean Voluntary" Unit was formed. Among notable Korean personnel in the Imperial Army was Crown Prince Euimin , who attained the rank of lieutenant general. Some later gained administrative posts in the government of South Korea ; well-known examples include Park Chung Hee , who became president of South Korea , Chung Il-Kwon (정일권,丁一權), prime minister from 1964 to 1970, and Paik Sun-Yup , South Korea's youngest general, famous for his defense of the Pusan Perimeter during the Korean War . The first ten of the Chiefs of Army Staff of South Korea graduated from the Imperial Japanese Army Academy and none from the Korean Liberation Army .
Recruitment began as early as 1938, when the Japanese Kwantung Army in Manchuria began accepting pro-Japanese Korean volunteers into the army of Manchukuo, and formed theGando Special Force . Koreans in this unit specialized in counter-insurgency operations against communist guerillas in the region of Jiandao . The size of the unit grew considerably at an annual rate of 700 men, and included such notable Koreans as General Paik Sun-Yup , who served in the Korean War. Historian Philip Jowett noted that during the Japanese occupation of Manchuria, the Gando Special Force "earned a reputation for brutality and was reported to have laid waste to large areas which came under its rule."
During World War II, American soldiers frequently encountered Korean soldiers within the ranks of the Japanese army. Most notably was in the Battle of Tarawa , which was considered during that time to be one of the bloodiest battles in US military history. A fifth of the Japanese garrison during this battle consisted of Korean laborers who were trained in combat roles. Like their Japanese counterparts, they put up a ferocious defense and fought to the death.
Starting in 1944, Japan started conscription of Koreans into the armed forces. All Korean males were drafted to either join the Imperial Japanese Army, as of April 1944, or work in the military industrial sector, as of September 1944. Before 1944, 18,000 Koreans passed the examination for induction into the army. Koreans provided workers to mines and construction sites around Japan. The number of conscripted Koreans reached its peak in 1944 in preparation for war. From 1944, about 200,000 Korean males were inducted into the army.
After the war, 148 Koreans were convicted of Class B and C war crimes, 23 of whom were sentenced to death (compared to 920 Japanese who were sentenced to death), including Korean prison guards who were particularly notorious for their brutality during the war. Justice Bert Röling, who represented the Netherlands at the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal , noted that "many of the commanders and guards in POW camps were Koreans - the Japanese apparently did not trust them as soldiers - and it is said that they were sometimes far more cruel than the Japanese." In his memoirs, Colonel Eugene C. Jacobs wrote that during the Bataan Death March , "the Korean guards were the most abusive. The Japs didn't trust them in battle, so used them as service troops; the Koreans were anxious to get blood on their bayonets; and then they thought they were veterans." Korean guards were sent to the remote jungles of Burma, where Lt. Col. William A. (Bill) Henderson wrote from his own experience that some of the guards overlooking the construction of the Burma Railway "were moronic and at times almost bestial in their treatment of prisoners. This applied particularly to Korean private soldiers, conscripted only for guard and sentry duties in many parts of the Japanese empire. Regrettably, they were appointed as guards for the prisoners throughout the camps of Burma and Siam." The highest-ranking Korean to be prosecuted after the war was Lieutenant General Hong Sa-Ik , who was in command of all the Japanese prisoner-of-war camps in the Philippines.
In 2002, South Korea started an investigation of Japanese collaborators. Part of the investigation was completed in 2006 and a list of names of individuals who profited from exploitation of fellow Koreans were posted. The collaborators not only benefited from exploiting their countrymen, but the children of these collaborators benefited further by acquiring higher education with the exploitation money they had amassed.
The "Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea" investigated the received reports for damage from 86 people among the 148 Koreans who were accused of being the level B and C war criminals while serving as prison guards for the Japanese military during World War II. The commission, which was organized by the South Korean government, announced that they acknowledge 83 people among them as victims. The commission said that although the people reluctantly served as guards to avoid the draft, they took responsibility for mistreatment by the Japanese against prisoners of war. Lee Se-il, leader of the investigation, said that examination of the military prosecution reports for 15 Korean prison guards, obtained from The National Archives of the United Kingdom , confirmed that they were convicted without explicit evidence.
During Japanese colonial rule of Korea, many Koreans became victims of Japanese brutalities. Korean villagers hiding resistance fighters were dealt with harshly, often with summary execution , rape , forced labour, preventable famine , and looting .
Since on March 1, 1919, Anti-Japanese demonstration continued to spread, and as the Japanese national and military police could not contain the crowds, the army and even the navy were also called in. There were several reports of atrocities. In one notable instance, Japanese police in the village of Jeam-ri, Hwaseong herded everyone into a church, locked it, and burned it to the ground. They even shot through the burning windows of the church to ensure that no one made it out alive. Many of participants of the March 1st Movement were often subjected to torture and execution.
During World War II , many Korean men were pushed into forced labor, and the toll of forced laborers from Korea in mainland Japan comes to 450,000. Korean women also became victims of Japanese called the comfort women , who was served in the Japanese military brothels. Historians estimate the number of comfort women between 10,000 and 200,000, which included Japanese women. According to testimonies, cases included that of Japanese officials and local collaborators kidnapping or recruiting poor rural women from Korea and other nations for sexual slavery under guise of offering factory employment. There is evidence the Japanese government intentionally destroyed official records regarding Comfort Women. Japanese inventory logs and employee sheets on the battlefield show some documentation of government-sponsored sexual slavery. In one instance, names of known Comfort Women were traced to Japanese employment records. One such woman was falsely classified as a nurse along with at least a dozen other verified comfort women who were not nurses or secretaries. Currently, the South Korean government is investigating hundreds of cases on these lists.
Koreans, along with many other Asians, were experimented on in Unit 731 , a secret military medical experimentation unit in World War II. The victims who died in the camp included at least 25 victims from the former Soviet Union, Mongolia and Korea.
Colonial Korea was subject to the same Leprosy Prevention Laws of 1907 and 1931 as the Japanese home islands. These laws directly and indirectly permitted the segregation of patients in sanitariums, where forced abortions and sterilization were common. The laws authorized punishment of patients "disturbing the peace," as most Japanese leprologists believed that vulnerability to the disease was inheritable. In Korea, many leprosy patients were also subjected to hard labor.